 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
Note no. 396
08.08.2007
NEPAL: Dilemma Faced by Maoist leadership- Update No. 131
By Dr. S. Chandrasekharan.
Prachanda, in his political report to the fifth plenum said that a Peoples revolt has become possible after a decade long peoples war, 19 days long peoples movement and one year of legislative struggle of the party and this has surprised many political leaders and analysts in Nepal and some have condemned it. In view of the strong opposition to the statement that goes against the 12 point agreement of 22nd November 2005 and the Comprehensive Peace Accord of November 21, 2006, he quickly modified the statement to say that there has been no decision to launch a peoples revolt.
Maoists revel in contradictions and two line struggles and it is their world view that these are necessary to move forward in their revolutionary goals. But Prachanda did mean what he said in his political report and if there is any proof necessary, one should go back to the political report sent by the C.P.N. (Maoist) to the CCOMPOSA meeting held in the last week of June 2007. While identifying external enemies as U.S. and India and accusing the media in Nepal of being funded by CIA and R &AW, it said, we quote Or mass line, discipline of our PLA and political line has gathered momentum to prepare the ground for the final insurrection. We are utilizing this transitional phase to spread our mass base and consolidate it, to get rid of our own shortcomings and bring disintegration in the enemys camp so that we can give final blow and usher into the country a new democracy Here the party in being thwarted from its objective in being forced to follow the legal norms required of a party that is in a coalition and is responsible for upholding the rule of law. ( Full report to CCOMPOSA is given as an appendix).
The present discomfiture of the Maoists of being with the government and yet working against the government has brought in many contradictions and these were fully aired in the central committee meeting held in the last two days of July at Garden Hotel, Sorakhutte, followed by an enlarged plenum attended by over 2000 members at Balaju, Kathmandu in the first week of August.
The political report presented by Prachanda besides talking about the inevitability of a peoples movement, acknowledged the mistakes committed in the past by the party leadership and its cadre-based YCL and blamed G.Ps authoritarian style for his partys under performance and other political parties including the UML who have been attacking the Maoists consistently. He also reiterated that CA election is impossible without announcing a republic and adopting proportional representation!
It is learnt that many issues were raised on the political report and three top leaders Prachanda, Baburam Bhattarai( Lal dhoj) and Badal responded to the queries. The issues raised were
1. How can a revolt be launched when the party is in the government? The Party leadership should be ready to sacrifice and immediately walk out of the government to announce a programme of struggle.
2. There is no dispute over the need for a revolt but the question is whether it should be before or after the CA elections.
3. There should be a broader republican alliance against all those against monarchy.
4. There should be unity for establishing a republic.
5. Lands seized from the landlords and distributed to the farmers should not be returned.
6. Strengthen the party presence in Terai and have a special package programme for Terai for addressing their demands.
7. The leadership, in pursuit of power has abandoned the revolution.
8. The issues relating to cantonments have been ignored by the government.
9. The verification process is seriously flawed and the intention of the UNMIN is questionable.
10. The leadership has forgotten the communist culture after joining the government.
11. The leadership has not adequately addressed the question of those who had disappeared and those who were injured.
12. The ongoing violence in Terai is serious and the image of the party has to be restored.
Some of the issues are serious and the party in its statements has given the impression that they would quit the government. There is no doubt that the leadership is under intense pressure to quit the government and as days go by more dissident voices could be heard. The party is also aware that they are fast losing their popularity. The problem before them would be- how to restore their image? . If they quit the government what would they do? . It is not easy to go back to the jungles and renew fighting. A peoples movement that needs mass mobilisation is not easy either and people are now tired of movements and want good governance, peace and prosperity.
Some noises are being made by senior leaders about quitting the government. Dev Gurung, senior Maoist leader said that the Maoists would walk out if the state does not ensure the establishment of a federal republican set up along with the right of self determination to resolve the problem of indigenous nationalities and implement a proportional electoral system. Baburam Bhattarai in a radio interview said that Maoists will quit if it is increasingly becoming hard to work in the interest of the people by being a part of it! Will they quit or will they not?
It looks that the whole objective of the Maoists for the present appears to be to keep the seven party alliance on tenterhooks and not allow them to settle down.
Terai Violence and Bandhs Galore:
Terai violence continues unabated. The Visfot Singh Group of JTMM called for a three-day bandh from 27th July and normal life was disrupted in Dhanusha and Mahottari. Traffic came to a stand still on the East-West Highway. At the same time, the Janajathi Students organisation organised a three-day bandh in Jhapa, Morang and Sunsari districts.
The JTMM Goit group shot dead Baras local coordinator Biral at Bariyarpur. The so called Madhesi Liberation Tigers shot dead 40 year old Tek Bahadur Kunwar at Saptari. Unidentified persons kidnapped the VDC Secretary of Madhyaharastu.
There is an exodus of civil servants belonging to hilly regions from Terai. It is estimated that over 900 civil servants have left Terai of whom 700 are from VDCs and the rest are from Inland revenue offices, Land reform offices and others. A large number of teachers have also left. With hardly 107 days to go, it is not clear how the government proposes to hold elections and man all the election booths when officials are fleeing.
It is unfortunate that the talks the government was having with the MPRF (MJF) have also broken down. Upendra Yadavs demands include a. federal setup for Terai with regional autonomy. b. Proportional election system c. delimitation of election constituencies based on population d. proportional representation in all state organs and e. dissolution of interim parliament. Some of the demands are unrealistic and some would take some time. But the government on its part should in our view at least create the right atmosphere by a. withdrawing all cases relating to Terai unrest. b. Release all accused in such cases from prisons. c. Treat those killed in the violence as martyrs with necessary compensation as was done in Jana Andolan II and d. Make at least some postings of Terains in the Terai districts. These have not been done despite many promises earlier and the Terains are getting more and more inspired by the slogan Say with pride that we are Madhesis- the sons of the soil and not foreign immigrants
Raymajhi Commission Report:
Finally due to pressure, more from the Maoists that the Raymajhi Commission report has been placed before the parliament. Briefly the Raymajhi report recommends action against 201 persons who were in power during the Kings direct rule. Those responsible included besides the King, 34 members of the council, 5 regional administrators, 13 zonal administrators, the Army Chief, Chief of National Investigating agency, and the CEC. The Commission has said that the existing laws are inadequate and that there is need to formulate a new law to penalise them.
Other officials against whom action has been suggested include the Chief secretary, Home Secretary, Information Secretary, Defence Secretary, Current Army Chief. Gen. Katuwal, I.G. of Police, APF Chief, Lt. Gen. Kul Bahadur Khadka and the joint Coordinator of NSC.
On the King however, the report implicitly recommended leniency in view of the Kings proclamation conceding power, expressed sorrow at the loss of life and property, condoled the death and above all accepted the road map given by the seven parties. It added that the Kings message played a positive role in taking the Jana Andolan to a logical conclusion and helped maintain peace in the country and that it is necessary to consider this reality.
There has not been any significant response from the political parties inside or outside the government.
Conclusion:
The Government is running against time in conducting CA elections. Terai violence has to be stopped at any cost and the exodus from Terai will have an inevitable backlash. While delineation of the constituencies can be completed, it is doubtful whether there is any time to change the mode of election as that would need a constitutional amendment. It is hoped that the Maoists after the Plenum will settle down and ensure that the YCL cadres are kept in check for creating a right atmosphere for conducting free and fair elections to the Constituent Assembly.
Appendix:
Report of the Nepals Maoists representative to the CCOMPOSA held in the last week of June.
"To deal with the question of 'completion' of the bourgeois revolution in the old way is to sacrifice living Marxism to the dead letter"
- Lenin (collected works Vol-24)
The real importance of this precious teaching of the great Lenin was seriously felt in the practical sense in the communist movement in Nepal as the People's War led by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) CPN{M} entered into the stage of strategic equilibrium from the stage of strategic defense. Though there are plenty of instances of changes of tacks in the history of our party nevertheless, it had not become imperative for the major tactical shift until the people's war reached the stage of strategic offense. By then we have chalked out a new way and have trying to advance revolutionary practice through this labyrinth. Still it is the concrete features peculiar to this historical situation in Nepal that led to this tactical shift. It is doubtless that this situation is borne as the natural consequence of these ten years of heroic armed struggle led by our party.
On several occasions we have brought out our assessment that the domestic situation in Nepal is favorable and ripe to capture central state power in the near future but as all the genuine communist parties engaged in revolutionary practice know that the international situation is quite unfavorable to accomplish new democratic revolution and sustain it, it is obvious that we should try to mobilize justice loving people all over the world in general and the peoples of south Asia in particular to garner support in favor of revolution, improving on the domestic situation in the same spirit. For this we should dare to abandon the course once selected and have the courage to climb the unexplored mountain.
Lenin often quotes a letter written by Engels to F.A.Sorge where the founder of scientific socialism says "Our theory is not a dogma but a guide to action". This we believe validates to any situation and any individual communist party. It is easy to cling to dogmas and memorizing some revolutionary phrases without being engaged in the revolutionary practice. But a genuine communist party should never forget that Marxism teaches us to become critical towards Marxism itself, and only revolutionary practice is a laboratory to know that whether one is upholding Marxism or something else. In the dazzling light of this Marxist principle the C.P.N (Maoist) has been applying Marxism to the concrete situation of Nepal which we believe will further develop this science.
The historic Chunbang meeting of the central committee of C.P.N (Maoist) held in Sept/Oct 2005 has put an indelible mark in the history of the party itself. Before this meeting internecine strife representing two lines was at its peak and it was made public too. The revolutionary masses were quite depressed fearing that it might threaten the very existence of the party's and the reactionary forces were thrilled with ecstasy. But the central committee under the leadership of Com. Prachanda devised the ways and means of turning intra party struggle into a motive force that propelled the party forward. The meeting resolved the intra-party struggle and achieved a new unity applying the method of unity, struggle and transformation and maintaining the dialectical debate. One of the most important decisions taken in this meeting was that the party should forge an alliance with the agitating parliamentary parties despite their unstable and vacillating character in order to isolate and abolish the monarchy.
The question of the abolition of the monarchy comprises a different meaning in the context of Nepal. It is the only reactionary institution which is deep rooted and well organized with more than a one hundred thousand strong army. Because of this reality external and internal forces of reaction have joined hands to prop up the crumbling monarchy and have been trying to convince the vacillating parliamentary forces that once the monarchy is gone there will be no able force remaining to halt the ever growing march of the Maoist force. So the parliamentary forces should break its ties with the Maoist and try to save the monarchy with some change in its form. Its the awareness of the Nepalese people and the tactical movement of our party against the monarchy that forces like the Nepali congress and United Marxist Leninist were forced to maintain conditional ties (even if temporary) with the C.P.N (M).
The C.P.N (M), for one and a half years has taken this compromise. If we seriously study and analyze the concrete condition and character of this compromise it becomes self evident that our policy is neither all alliance and no struggle nor all struggle and no alliance, but combines both. Grasping the teaching of Lenin we have avoided "give money and fire arms to share the loot" instead we have given the bandits money and firearms in order to lessen the damage they can do and facilitate their capture and execution. With this sole intention we had a twelve point understanding against the autocratic monarchy on 22nd of November 2005. As expected this understanding proved as a catalyst to boost the moral of the struggling people all over the country. The big uprising unique in the contemporary world forced the otherwise reluctant king to invite the seven party alliances to choose a prime minister and form a government. The government of the India, U.S and U.K lost no time to welcome this move. This bid to douse the fire was failed as the agitation uninterruptedly moved forward with the clear goal of abolishing the monarchy. Our strong presence and participation was a matter of anxiety for the self claimed messiah of democracy. Finally the government of India, U.S and their lackeys in Nepal hatched a conspiracy and made the king to make another proclamation where he for the first time accepted that the sovereignty of Nepal lies to the Nepalese people. It was clear then only that these interventionists had a tacit understanding with the king and he was assured that they will secure his position and the institution of monarchy will remain in the future dispensation once the resentment of the people will climb down.
After the royal proclamation of 24th April 2006 we tried to advance the movement denouncing the proclamation and exposing the ill design behind it. But there was already a division in the movement since the seven party alliances took it as a victory and formed the government without any delay. In its first meeting itself it passed a resolution that there will be an election of an assembly for a new constitution and called the C.P.N (M) for parleys. That multiplied the illusion and a large section of people expected that the monarchy will be out in the near future.The political scuffle with the reactionary forces has been intensified during this period. A Political offensive has taken the place of the military strike. The old parliament that was reestablished by royal proclamation was dissolved and a new interim legislature is in existence where 83 members are ours. An interim constitution and the interim government have been formed with our participation. If we look at these happenings superficially it seems that the C.P.N (M) has deviated from the revolutionary path. But if we look back at the history of C.P.N (M) and seriously study the under current it will lead to another conclusion.
Before initiation of people's war a small number of comrades were sent to the then parliament and some of our revolutionary comrades from fraternal parties vehemently criticized for this. Not only that we were expelled from the "Revolutionary International movement". Subsequent development in our part proved that we could initiate the war by protecting revolution from the revolutionary phrases that we used to memorize in the early period. Now we see every possibility to combine protracted people's war with insurrection. The 2nd historic conference of our party adopted a line that there should be a union of protracted people's war and insurrection to accomplish the revolution. We see the present development is leading the Nepalese society to prove the correctness of our ideas that we developed.
From the very beginning we were aware of the road map charted by the domestic and external enemies especially U.S and India. They intended to bring fabricated change in the monarchy, to tame the C.P.N (M) in parliamentary politics and enable a parliamentary party like Nepali Congress become as a dominant force in the country. By hook or by crook they have been trying to achieve this goal. But their every effort has the boomeranged because of the stand taken by the C.P.N (M). Instead of being a parliamentary puppet the people's revolutionary aspirations are being centered in the C.P.N (M). Hundreds of thousands of masses of people are being mobilized and the party influence among the masses is increasing everyday. The desperate activities of slandering the Maoist through various Medias secretly funded by the C.I.A and Raw and the murdering of our cadres by their vigilante forces amply prove that they are failing in their mission.
The enemy who is attacking our party especially its youth wing the 'Young Communist League' with whatever they find in their hands, has generated mass resentment against the enemies. And our mass line, discipline of our PLA and political line has gathered momentum to prepare the ground for the final insurrection. We are utilizing this transitional phase to spread our mass base and consolidate it, to get rid of our own short comings and bring disintegration in the enemy's camp so that we can give a final blow and usher into the country a new democracy.
Home | Papers | Notes | Forum | Search | Feedback | Links
Copyright South Asia Analysis Group
All rights reserved. Permission is given to refer this on-line document for use in research papers and articles, provided the source and the author's name are acknowledged. Copies may not be duplicated for commercial purposes.