FALLUJA--2003/4-Like Situation in Pakistan's Pashtun Belt -
International Terrorism Monitor--Paper No. 287
By B. Raman
The situation in the Pashtun belt of the
Federally-Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and the
North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) of Pakistan has rapidly
deteriorated after the commando raid into the Lal Masjid of
Islamabad between July 10 and 13, 2007. The tribals, many
of whose children, particularly girls, were killed during
the raid, have hit back with ferocious vengeance at the
Pakistan Army and para-military forces and the Police
deployed in the Pashtun belt as well as outside. Al Qaeda
and pro-Al Qaeda organisations such as the Islamic Movement
of Uzbekistan and the Islamic Jihad Group have taken
advantage of the tribal anger to advance their own anti-US
and anti-Israel agenda. One has been seeing a Falluja--2003-4
like situation developing in the tribal belt.
2. There are presently two parallel jihads in the tribal
area. The first is a Taliban-like ideological jihad, which
is directed against those sections of civil society, which
are influenced by liberal ideas and life-style. As part of
this jihad, there has been a systematic destruction of
all cultural influences such as music records, videos of
films, TV sets etc and attacks on the independence and
powers of women.
3. The second is a jihad of reprisals directed against
the security forces-----the Army, the para-military forces
and the Police. The security forces have been facing
increasing difficulty in coping with this jihad. The police,
long neglected and humiliated by President General Pervez
Musharraf, is in a state of paralysis. Large sections of the
para-military forces and some sections of the Army are
demoralised, resulting in increasing desertions and a jihad
fatigue. There is very little flow of intelligence.
4. While Al Qaeda's propaganda and Psywar machine (As-Sahab)
have been exploiting this anger, there is very little
evidence of the involvement of Arabs of Al Qaeda in the
jihadi strikes. Evidence till now points to the involvement
of only Uzbeks, Tajiks, Chechen and Uighurs. What one has
been seeing is not a Salafi virus spreading from the Arab
world, but an extremist virus spreading from Central Asia
and Afghanistan
5. Without making amends for the large number of tribal
girls (about 300) from the FATA killed in the Lal Masjid
raid, it is doubtful whether the Musharraf Government would
be able to mitigate the anger.
6. The Pakistani media has been covering the situation in
great detail and commenting on it. Relevant extracts are
given below:
THE "DAWN" OF SEPTEMBER 27, 2007: "The Government is
hopelessly dependent upon the dubious goodwill of the
moderates among the tribal chiefs, its own military machine
being unable to compel the militants to release the
kidnapped. This being the harsh reality, one wonders what is
the purpose behind deploying nearly 100,000 soldiers in what
is increasingly turning into a wild goose chase.....Pakistan
has lost 730 soldiers in the war on terror in the FATA, 229
since July 15 alone. Across the border, the US-led coalition
forces have since July 15 suffered only 69 casualties. Have
the security forces personnel in FATA developed battle
fatigue? Or are they reluctant to fight and kill their own
compatriots? One can understand a couple of soldiers being
taken by surprise and kidnapped, but the very idea of such a
large posse of well-trained and well-armed troops being
kidnapped without a shot being fired defies logic. The deal
the Government made with the militants last September (2006)
failed to produce results. More ominously, the number of
tribal maliks who could be called moderate, if not
pro-Government, seems to be declining. This is also an
indication of the collapse of FATA's traditional system in
which the maliks commanded authority and acted in close
liaison with the Government to tackle recalcitrant elements.
Now the maliks' power seems to have given way to that of the
Taliban, who have gone on the offensive with a vengeance
after the Lal Masjid crackdown."
THE NATION OF SEPTEMBER 27:" The situation in Swat is
precarious, specially since July. There have been four
incidents of suicide bombings, all but one specifically
targeting law enforcement agencies. As a result, there has
been a significant reduction in the police patrolling of the
district. Many police posts have been vacated. Many
policemen have also deserted the force. The answer to this
is definitely not getting the Army in. The police, an
ill-equipped and ill-paid force, needs to be reformed and
corrected. If they had a fraction of the resources the
military and para-military forces had at their disposal, we
would not be having a lot of our current law and order
problems."
"THE DAILY TIMES" OF SEPTEMBER 27: "The North-West
Frontier Province Government has finally called for Army
deployment at 12 sensitive points in the Swat district. Swat
and towns lying near it have come under attack from elements
of Talibanisation since July, spearheaded by trade mark
suicide bombings that have the police running scared and
have, in one instance, targeted an army convoy. Since Swat
was attacked by the FM (FM radio) Mullah Maulana Fazlullah
on behalf of Al Qaeda in Waziristan, the Peshawar Government
has been biting its nails instead of acting. Fazlullah is
the son-in-law of the leader of Tehrik Nifaz Shariat
Muhammadi (TNSM), who led thousands of Pashtun youths into
Afghanistan in 2001 and is now in a Pakistani jail. The
police has simply run away and the citizens of the Swat
Valley have been asked to fend for themselves. The citizens
have therefore accepted the rule of Fazlullah and one can
expect them to go the way of the people of South Waziristan
now being ruled by Al Qaeda proxies."
THE "DAWN" OF SEPTEMBER 27: "When the insurgents come
under pressure, they strike targets outside their zone of
operations as they did in Mardan, Hangu, Kohat, Dera Ismail
Khan, Kharian, Quetta, Swat,Islamabad, Rawalpindi and
Tarbela. In the process, they have also conveyed a message
to the Government that they can strike anywhere at any time.
After the SSG (Special Services Group) operation against Lal
Masjid, they had warned of revenge. By striking at Tarbela (SSG
headquarters), they have taken their revenge. As a result,
military installations across the country have become more
vulnerable and the sense of fear and uncertainty in the
minds of their commanders more intense. The insurgents
fighting the Army have close affinity with the Taliban. They
not only enjoy the support of the local population, but also
have the sympathy of the people outside their area. As a
result, they have developed an effective intelligence
network that enables them to stay a few steps ahead of the
Army. They are battle-hardened and skilled in guerilla
tactics and techniques. They know the local terrain well.
They are highly motivated. The soldiers, on the other hand,
do not know the terrain well. They lack the support of the
local people---- which also makes it difficult for the
military intelligence to operate freely in this area. It was
lack of correct intelligence that led to the capture and
killing of 18 SSG commandoes when they landed by helicopter
on a hilltop in Waziristan for an operation. Above all, the
level of motivation of the soldiers when fighting their own
people is as low as it is high when fighting an external
enemy. It was this factor, more than any other, which led
the 300 armed soldiers to give themselves up to a small band
of insurgents and it continues to manifest itself in the
abductions of armed personnel of the security forces almost
on a daily basis. The heavy casualties, the surrender of 300
soldiers, the daily abductions, the attack in Tarbela, the
killing of heli-landed commandoes and the sting of defeats
suffered by the security forces have clearly had a
demoralising effect on them. The effect has been exacerbated
by the fear that by fighting their own people, they will
not become shaheed (martyrs) and, if they die, they would
have died in vain like those who lost their lives in Kargil
(in 1999). After the Army crackdown in East Pakistan in
March 1971, the Bengali soldiers of the Army had deserted
and joined the Mukti Bahini resistance force. In the tribal
areas, a number of desertions by para-military forces are
reported to have taken place. One hopes and prays that
Pathan soldiers, who constitute nearly 30 per cent of the
Army's rank and file, remain unaffected."
THE "DAWN" OF SEPTEMBER 29: "Highly disturbing is the
absence of an institutional response from either Gen.
Musharraf or his surrogates in Government to the series of
abductions of the military's soldiers and para-military
forces, which should have sent red alert signals to all
policy-makers. The army abductions are non-discriminatory in
nature. They are not restricted to junior level officers.
The 19 Frontier Corps militiamen abducted from South
Waziristan in August this year included a senior officer and
a political tehsildar. The 280 soldiers abducted
later included a Colonel and nine other officers. On
September 1, another 10 FC para-military soldiers and a
Major were kidnapped in FATA's Mohmand agency. These are
clear proof of the growing confidence of the militants, who
now use abduction as an effective way of pressing the regime
to submit to their demands. The attacks now carry a clear
political as well as violent message. The fearlessness of
the militants stems from the success of the abduction of the
FC militiamen in the second week of August. During the time
they held down the soldiers, the militants released a video
titled "Revenge", exposing the brutal beheading of one of
the abducted soldiers at the hands of a teenaged boy. The
video ran a commentary that ended in questions relating to
the legitimacy of the Jamia Hafsa (girls madrasa inside the
Lal Masjid) operation, the detention of A. Q. Khan, the
Balochistan operation and the forced disappearances of
civilians. The attacks now focus increasingly on breaking
down the confidence and resolve of the enemy. If the purpose
of the video was to shock the audience, it did the job. It
took a small group of Taliban fighters to force the
surrender of 280 armed soldiers by merely blocking their
convoy. As the twin attacks in Rawalpindi and later Tarbela
show, high security zones no longer deter suicide
attackers."
THE "NATION" OF OCTOBER 2: "The situation in Waziristan
deteriorated when the militants holed up in the Lal Masjid
in Islamabad openly challenged the writ of the State.
Massive deployments of troops in FATA, especially in North
and South Waziristan, has failed to curtail terrorism
emanating from there. FC posts and road troops convoys have
become easy targets for the terrorists. Large number of
troops have been killed and kidnapped. The Government must
come up with a new strategy and policy."
THE "JANG" OF OCTOBER 3: "A new country has emerged
between Pakistan and Afghanistan. This has not come up so
far officially, but practically it exists there as there is
no writ of the Governments in this area and those, who claim
to be the legitimate heirs of this territory, are handling
the law and order there..... A new map, which is emerging
in areas of Pakistan and Afghanistan, covers FATA (the
Federally-Administered Tribal Areas), Deer, Bajaur, Malakand,
Khyber, Mehmand, Chitral and the southern provinces of
Afghanistan. In these areas no border exists as the people
there do not accept any man-made border there."
(The writer is
Additional Secretary (retd),
Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and,
presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai.
E-mail:seventyone2@gmail.com)