MYANMAR: The Crisis,
Reaction and Repercussions
By C. S. Kuppuswamy
There is an eerie lull (though
enforced) after the storm that swept Myanmar (Burma) during
the second fortnight of September 2007. Unlike the 1988
uprising which was spearheaded by the students, this
uprising was led by the Buddhist Monks, the most revered
section of the Burmese community. The military crackdown
was on expected lines though the junta had acted with much
restraint in the first few days. This paper analyses the
causes for the crisis, the reaction of the international
community and the likely repercussions on the junta and the
common people.
The Crisis
The seed for the crisis was laid on 15
August 2007 when the withdrawal of subsidies by the junta
resulted in a five fold increase in the price of CNG and
100% increase in the price of petrol and diesel. As a
result inflation shot up and prices of essential commodities
went up by 35% putting the common man in misery and some
could not even afford a bus ride to their place of work.
On August 19, 500 pro-democracy
activists demonstrated against the fuel hike and promptly
more than 150 of the demonstrators were arrested.
In a surprise move, 500 monks took out
a protest march on September 5 in the small town of Pakhoku
near Mandalay when three of them were reportedly arrested by
a front organization of the junta called the Swan Arrshin.
From then on, the protests gathered
strength and spread to other towns including the erstwhile
capital Yangon (Rangon) and from September 18 when it was a
few thousands, the numbers swelled up to 20,000 on September
22 and further more on September 24.
The junta had acted with unusual
restraint though the police and troops were deployed around
all important locations from where the demonstrations were
being organized such as the Shwedagon and Sule Pagodas.
After warning the monks and the general public on September
24 and 25, the troops opened fire on September 26 and 27 on
the demonstrators, imposed curfew; arrested a few thousands
of monks and general public and ensured that the uprising
came to an end, at least for the time being.
The official figures indicate that 13
people were killed which included a Japanese journalist and
over 2000 detained. Unofficial estimates by various
agencies indicated that a few hundreds must have been killed
and over 6000 detained.
The junta is also employing a
pro-government community group called the Union Solidarity
and Development Association (USDA) for disrupting such
protests without the official machinery getting involved in
it. The USDA has one wing known as the Swan Arrshin,
specifically trained for such tasks. The wing has a number
of ex convicts in its ranks.
The causes for the crisis this time
seem to be more economic than political. Besides the recent
fuel hike, the construction of the new capital at Nayipidaw
at an enormous cost, the recent hike in pay for the military
and civil servants and an IT project on a grand scale have
all had an impact on the countrys economy. The decapitated
political opposition joined hands with the protesters to
gain some political mileage in staking their claims for a
role in the government.
The current uprising was different from
the one of 1988 in many respects. The development in
Information Technology helped the international media to
publish pictures and information transmitted through
internet and mobile phones. Blogs of dead bodies strewn in
the streets were seen by the international community. News
of protesters at one city or town was conveyed to other
locations instantaneously for the protests to be more
coordinated and wide spread. As it was the monks that led
the uprising, the junta was in a quandary, as to how to deal
with them because of the sensitivity of any harm caused to
the Buddhist clergy in the nation.
The Military Junta
The ruling junta called the State Peace
and Development Council (SPDC) has been under great
pressure, presumably from China as reported in the
international media, for a military crackdown at the
outset. The junta has been rather naive in allowing the
protesting monks to meet Aung San Suu Kyi on 22 September at
her residence and permitting her to pray with them. This
proved to be a catalyst for the uprising to gain further
strength.
Consequent to the crackdown the ruling
junta seems to be more pliant and in a conciliatory mode,
though this can also be a time gaining tactic. Allowing the
UN envoy to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi once before meeting
the head of the state, Senior General Than Shwe and once
after, has been seen as a welcome gesture by the
international community in making some headway in the
democratic process. Gen Than Shwes offer to meet with Aung
San Suu Kyi, though with some preconditions, is surprising,
especially in view of his total contempt for the lady.
The military Government has appointed
on October 8, Deputy Labour Minister, Aung Kyi as a liaison
officer, though he was called manager for relations, to
continue relations with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in the
future.
News reports indicate that the military
Government had donated thousands of dollars as well as food
and medicines to monasteries in Yangon, in an apparent
gesture of reconciliation with the monks.
The official media has also announced
that more than half of 2171 people arrested have been
released and more than 400 monks have been sent to their
monasteries.
These conciliatory measures may seem to
have been taken under pressure or to ward off a condemnation
of the regime by a UN Security Council resolution which is
under consideration. Even if taken in that light, the
military government has not done so earlier even under
pressure.
The Political Opposition
Nation Leagure for Democracy (NLD)
which won a land slide victory in the elections in 1990
under the leadership of Aung San Suu Kyi has been badly
mauled in the last 17 years with most of its leaders having
fled the country or detained for long periods. Most of the
branches have been closed under pressure by various means of
the junta. According to a news report of October 10, the
NLD has said that it was prepared to make adjustments for
the sake of dialogue in response to the offer of the junta
for talks through a cabinet level official who will
coordinate the process.
The 88 generation (who were then
students) is still keeping the movement alive discreetly or
surreptitiously. The recent uprising has been a fillip to
their activities in reviving the opposition. In fact it is
the net savvy younger generation which has sent pictures and
information across the globe on the current crisis.
The political leaders in exile have
not been able to make much impact on the international
agencies. However the Democratic Voice of Burma (the radio
and television network in Oslo) has been able to broadcast
regularly on the happenings in Myanmar. The Irrawady a
news magazine run by an exile in Thailand has also been able
to cover the crisis extensively.
Reaction of the International
Community
United Nations
This years session of the UN General
Assembly has been overshadowed by the worsening political
crisis in Myanmar. The United Nations sent its envoy
Ibrahim Gambari to Myanmar. He was in Myanmar for four days
till 02 October 2007. He was permitted to meet Aung San Suu
Kyi twice once before meeting the Senior General Than Shwe
and once after that prior to his return. UN Secretary
General Ban Ki-moon described the mission you cannot
call it a success.
USA, Britain and France sponsored a non
binding statement on 05 October 2007 after the Security
Council heard a report from the UN envoy on his mission to
Myanmar. The statement condemning the military crackdown
had to be softened at the instance of China.
However, a resolution by the UN Human
Rights Council was passed on 04 October 2007 which strongly
deplored the continued violent repression of peaceful
demonstrations in Myanmar, including through beatings,
killings, arbitrary detentions and enforced
disappearances.
United States
In an address to the United Nations on
September 25, President George W. Bush strongly criticized
the military junta for the growing unrest and announced that
The United States will tighten economic sanctions on the
leaders of the regime and their financial backers. We will
impose an expanded visa ban on those responsible for the
most egregious violations of human rights, as well as their
family members. He also urged the UN and all nations to
use their diplomatic and economic leverage to help the
Burmese people reclaim their freedom.
The media has also indicated that US is
applying pressure on both China and India as it feels that
only a concerted effort by these two countries can help
bring about some meaningful reforms in Myanmar.
The US had threatened to push for UN
sanctions, which in any case would have been vetoed by China
and Russia as it happened in January 2007.
The most senior US diplomat in Myanmar,
Shari Villarosa met the juntas foreign minister in the
first week of October 2007. The US state department said
the meeting was not productive.
China
When there is a crisis in
Myanmar, it benefits China, as it can bail out Myanmar and
as a quid pro quo extract more concessions for itself. Most
analysts agree that China, with its overwhelming influence
over Myanmar, has a crucial role in making the military
junta mend its ways and restore some semblance of
democracy.
However, China has always maintained
that what is happening in Myanmar is an internal matter,
which is not a threat to the regional security and
stability. China has high stakes in Myanmar by way of
energy resources being made available, access to the Indian
Ocean and increasing trade.
Most media reports hinted that it was
at the insistence of China that the military junta had dealt
with the uprising with such unusual restraint and the visit
of the UN envoy to Myanmar was also agreed to.
If China is worried on any account, it
is the likelihood of a boycott of the forthcoming Beijing
Olympics by the western nations, because of its indifference
to world opinion on the recent crisis in Myanmar. China by
chastising Myanmar may be giving a leeway to India in
getting closer to Myanmar, which is not in its best
interest.
India
India needs Burma more than Burma
needs it wrote one Indian Analyst. It is perhaps an
overstatement as they need each other for different reasons.
Another political analyst has remarked
that Myanmar plays the China card with India and the India
card with China. Thus Myanmar needs India as the
countervailing force against China, and India needs Myanmar
for its energy resources, strategic and security concerns.
For more details on Indo-Myanmar relations please see paper
http://www.saag.org/papers21/paper2043.html
dated 30.11.2006.
If India can tolerate a neighbour in
the west under virtual military rule (with the blessings of
the US) it can also bear with Myanmar in the east under a
military rule (through decried by the US).
Being a large democracy there has been
great pressure on India to wield its influence over Myanmar
on the current crisis. Can India venture to take any serious
measures when it may have a negligible effect on the junta
and in the bargain lose the foothold gained in that nation
since 1991? This is the dilemma that is being faced by
Indian policy makers.
In the UN General Assembly, Indian
Foreign Minister said I do not subscribe to penal sanctions
at all times. We should instead try to engage the country
concerned in negotiations, in talks, in dialogue. The
Indian Foreign Minister however met his Myanmarese
counterpart U Nyan Win on the sidelines of UN General
Assembly and the foreign secretary met the UN special envoy,
Ibrahim Gambari. But India subscribed to the release of Suu
Kyi in the UN Human Rights resolution. This itself is a
major change in Indias position as India has been silent on
this issue for the last few years.
ASEAN
ASEAN as a grouping has been resorting
to constructive engagement with Myanmar with the avowed
principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of its
members. However the Economist (29 September 2007) has
rightly indicated that it is proving to be more of a
destructive engagement.
ASEAN has been embarrassed on many an
occasion since Myanmar was admitted as a member of its
grouping in 1997. Myanmar was made to forfeit the rotating
chairmanship of ASEAN in 2006.
However, some of the members continue
to have flourishing trade relations with Myanmar because of
the abundance of natural resources by way oil, gas, timber
etc. Hence, there is a division in the grouping on any
strong action, though even expulsion of Myanmar was under
consideration.
ASEAN is in the process of finalizing a
charter which will be binding on its members. It is not
known how Myanmar will accede to such a charter or as to how
ASEAN will circumvent this problem.
Thailand
Thomas Fuller in an article in The New
York times has elaborated on the resources in Myanmar that
keep the junta in business. Natural gas from Myanmar
generates 20% of all electricity in Thailand. It is the
largest single export (costing $ 2.8 billion) for Myanmar
this year. Thai companies are building hydro power plants
and have entered into contracts worth billions of dollars.
He adds that Thailand is Myanmars biggest trade partner
and not China as is widely believed.
Thailand is also the only country of
ASEAN which is affected by a large influx of refugees from
Myanmar. Consequent to the coup and the government under an
erstwhile military general, the relations with Myanmar are
improving. How can Thailand rock the boat?
Russia
Russia has been towing the line adopted
by China in wooing the military junta for its own ends. In
January 2007 it vetoed a UN resolution on Myanmar along with
China on the political situation in Myanmar.
Russia has increased its stakes by
importing oil and gas from Myanmar in a big way and
supplying arms, aircrafts and other military equipment to
Myanmar.
Russia is building a nuclear research
centre in Myanmar. Russia has also been providing training
to Myanmar scientists and military personnel in Russia since
2003.
In sticking to its anti US stance,
Russia will continue to support Myanmar and is not
interested in weakening the military junta.
Japan
Japan, which has been continuing its
economic aid to Myanmar has threatened to cut down the aid
in view of the lone Japanese journalist killed during the
shooting of the protesters in this crisis.
News Analysis
Neither the economic sanctions of the
Western nations nor the constructive engagement of the ASEAN
has had any impact on the military junta over the years.
Both China and India (to a greater
extent) have been under intense pressure to influence,
Myanmar for releasing the political prisoners and ushering
in democratic reforms.
The uprising this time has been limited
to a few cities and has been short lived. The monks leading
the uprising have given it a new dimension, touching on the
sensitivities of the Burmese community.
The development of information
technology has made the world see and know the happenings
during the crackdown instantaneously.
The military junta in the initial stage
had acted with great restraint in the crackdown, though
repressive measures continue to be in force.
By allowing the visit of the UN envoy
and offering to talk to Aung San Suu Kyi, the military junta
has shown some flexibility in initiating the negotiations.
The political opposition seems to have
been decimated and no leading figure other than Aung San Suu
Kyi has been identified who can negotiate or co-ordinate and
consolidate the opposition to its pre-1990 level.
Economic woes, with the runaway
inflation and sky rocketing prices, human rights violations
and health concerns seem to be the driving force of this
recent uprising which perhaps need immediate attention more
than the political reforms.
Rumours of internal dissension in the
higher ranks of the army or disenchantment and
discontentment in the lower ranks because of the action
taken against the monks, seem to be unfounded. The armed
forces seem to be loyal to the top brass and a new general
at the top may not be any different from the present one.
The military junta may have had yet
another jolt, but still seem to be unscathed to carry on
business as usual perhaps with some cosmetic changes like
ushering in a new constitution and promising fresh
elections.